In Texas, Colin Allred Targets Ted Cruz’s Weak Spots: Cancun and Jan. 6

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Colin Allred has the packed soccer stadium hanging on his every word.

It’s a Friday night under the lights here in Houston and the high-energy crowd is taking a break from what feels like a giant block party to hear from a string of health care providers, families who availed themselves of those doctors and nurses for abortions. Soon, Willie Nelson, Beyonce, and Kamala Harris (technically the headliner) will have turns on the stage. But for those 10 minutes the stadium is focused on Allred, a former NFL linebacker-turned-U.S. House member vying to unseat Sen. Ted Cruz, and it is like watching a rock star at his peak—because this might be the zenith for Allred’s political career.

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“Everything is bigger in Texas. But Ted Cruz is too small for Texas,” Allred says to deafening cheers.

That talent, right here, is why Democrats have found hope that maybe they might deny Cruz a third term next week. To be clear, Texas is a stretch for the party. Texans haven’t elected a Democrat to a statewide office in 30 years. But Allred, a third-term House member from Dallas, has lapped Cruz in fundraising and has captured the excitement of both Texas Democrats and outside groups at a clip unthinkable even six months ago. The FiveThirtyEight polling average puts Cruz ahead by just three points, within the margin of error—but not a single projection from the quants there has ever shown Allred ahead. 

Nonetheless, Republicans are clearly nervous about Texas. In a sign of how seriously they’re taking Allred’s prospects, Trump routed his plane to Austin on Friday, the same day Harris picked up Beyoncé’s public support. There was a hat-in-hand Cruz, grinning through gritted teeth aside a man who once baselessly accused Cruz’s father of playing a role in the John F. Kennedy assassination and disparaged his wife’s appearance.

“I couldn’t ask for a better summation of this campaign than Allred and Harris arm-in-arm at the same time that President Trump and I are standing together,” Cruz said at that private airfield. “That’s the clear choice Texans have, that’s the clear choice Americans have.”

Along with Trump’s coattails, Cruz is also counting on strong support from the rural parts of Texas that remain deep red and are more comfortable than the state’s fast-growing urban areas with the severe restrictions on abortion that the Harris campaign and Beyoncé held the rally to highlight. On top of that, Cruz’s allies are running an ad saying that Allred wants to let transgender student athletes compete in girls’ sports, giving them an unfair advantage. (Fact-checkers have debunked this, an Oregon school district has asked Cruz to stop running the ads that feature cisgender student athletes there, and Allred is running his own ad distancing himself from the accusations.) Cruz himself is also cruising around the state like he’s running his first campaign, although he certainly wishes he could have that blank slate again.

Since he arrived in the Senate after the 2012 elections coasting on a 16-point victory, Cruz has been something of his own creature in the Upper Chamber. A proud irritant to Republican Leader Mitch McConnell and the national party, he’s made some missteps that misread the modern GOP. His 2016 bid for the White House left him as the last person standing between Trump and his first presidential nomination. His initial refusal to bend the knee—even trying for a last-minute coup at the Republican convention in Cleveland with a protest speech from the stage—put him in the MAGA column for disloyalty. (He endorsed Trump a few weeks later.)

Cruz eventually was among those who indulged Trump’s false claims that the 2020 election was stolen. That campaign culminated on Jan. 6, 2021, when a mob stormed the Capitol.

“I know many of y’all probably know where you were on January 6th. I know where I was. I was on the House floor doing my job,” Allred said. “I texted my wife, Aly, who was seven months pregnant with our son, Cameron: ‘Whatever happens, I love you.’ Because when you are the only former NFL linebacker in the room and there’s a mob at the door, everybody’s like, Whatcha’ gonna’ do, Colin?”

After telling the rapt audience that he took off his suit jacket and let the muscle memory come into play should the barricaded doors break, Allred delivered the blow: “Ted Cruz was hiding in a supply closet. That’s OK, that’s OK. I don’t want him to get hurt by the mob. The point is, there shouldn’t have been a mob.”

Then, there is Cancun, Cruz’s ultimate misstep. When a freak winter storm left millions of Texans without utilities for days and killed scores of people, Cruz and his family booked tickets to Mexico. It was a move that has not faded in many Texans’ minds, and Allred knows it.

“Can you imagine having the privilege and the responsibility of representing our great state and a crisis hits our state, you think I need to go check out the Ritz Carlton in Cancun? You wouldn’t do it. If you did and you ran for office again, you’re going to lose your job.” Allred said at the campaign rally, drawing chants of “Lose Your Job” from the crowd.

Not that the crowd needed much reminding. 

“There are enough people who are tired of Cancun Cruz,” says Michael Juge, a 51-year-old intelligence analyst for the government. Juge, who calls Houston home, cited Cruz’s sojourn southward even before Allred appeared on stage and points to the slow gains Democrats have made in Texas in recent cycles. “The major metro cities are not like the rest of the state,” he says, standing along the security fencing at that Friday evening Harris-Beyoncé-Allred party.

Or, as 44-year-old realtor Monica Vega, sporting a camouflage Harris-Walz hat, only half-joked: “We aren’t all riding horses. We all don’t all live in the sticks.”

Still, this is Texas. 

“I’m optimistic about Colin Allred. His chances are legit,” Juge says. “If he can win this, that makes Texas the swing state for 2028.”

Many were making similar predictions six years ago when Beto O’Rourke caught fire, only for him to lose to Cruz by three points. Allred has tapped into that same anti-Cruz sentiment well enough to raise the kind of money to run a competitive race. In Texas, in particular, that’s no small feat.

“We’re three times the size of Michigan, OK? We have more people in this city than all of Arizona, right?” Allred tells me the morning after his rally. “This is an incredibly expensive state. I don’t think folks understand the scale of Texas.” 

This Saturday morning, we are in an office complex not far from Rice University. About three dozen volunteers have synced up in the lobby to hear from Allred and Houston-based Rep. Lizzie Fletcher, whose office is the launching point for these local activists to go knock on doors for the next two hours. Their targets are mostly people who they believe would vote for Democrats if they just showed up to vote so they’re getting a little nudge from their neighbors to do their part in a state that is perpetually a white whale for liberals.

“There’s been this assumption that someday it’s going to happen, but it takes work,” Fletcher tells me standing on the sidewalk outside of her outpost here. Yet you can’t help but shake the feeling that this has been the case for a very long time. “That’s what you’re seeing with Colin Allred. He’s been working very hard and he’s been doing all the things he needs to do to win. And so it’s our job to make sure that we are supporting him and that we’re getting out.”

This operation—like ones before it in Texas—is all very impressive, both for its earnest nature and the political machinery behind it. But it also is creeping into strong headwinds. Trump is polling well ahead of Harris in the state, but Allred argues that all she really needs is voters in Texas’ urban areas to turn out in stronger numbers than they have in the past.

“We can win the election right here,” Allred tells the crowd about to hit the doors. “I’m not kidding. Not just Harris County, but the Houston metro can win this election on its own.”

It’s a heavy lift and a narrow path, yet not an impossible one. That’s why Democrats are rushing into the state and Cruz is campaigning like he’s never had to before, even if that means leaning on the MAGA movement for a buffer. And it’s why Democrats think Texas could, improbably, be the reason they hold on to the Senate.

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source https://time.com/7109942/ted-cruz-polls-texas-allred/

How a Racist Joke About Puerto Rico at a Trump Rally Could Impact the Election

Comedian Tony Hinchcliffe was supposed to be one of over a dozen warm-up acts for Donald Trump’s campaign rally on Sunday in Madison Square Garden. He ended up stealing the show with a raft of racist jokes targeting Latinos, Black Americans, Jews, and Muslims that drew swift condemnation from Democrats and Republicans alike.

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But the Puerto Rican community may ultimately be the most mobilized by Hinchcliffe’s set, after he made a series of incendiary comments about the U.S. territory. He referred to Puerto Rico as “a floating island of garbage” and suggested that Latinos “love making babies,” which was met with a mix of claps and jeers.

The comments ignited a firestorm of criticism, highlighting the delicate political landscape as Puerto Rican voters play a crucial role in key battleground states like Pennsylvania. Hinchcliffe, known for his podcast “Kill Tony,” addressed the furor on social media on Sunday evening, saying that his critics “have no sense of humor” and that he “made fun of everyone.”

On Monday, the Trump campaign tried to distance itself from Hinchcliffe’s set. “The joke does not reflect the views of President Trump or the campaign,” senior advisor Danielle Alvarez said in a statement to TIME. Asked for clarity about which joke they were referring to, the campaign’s national press secretary Karoline Leavitt replied in an email, “You do know he’s a COMEDIAN, and these are JOKES, right????” The campaign later followed up with a new statement attributable to Alvarez: “These jokes do not reflect the views of President Trump or the campaign.” 

Prominent Trump allies condemned Hinchcliffe’s remarks following the rally. David Urban, a campaign strategist, labeled them “unfunny” and offensive to Puerto Rican communities. Florida Sen. Rick Scott, who relies heavily on support from Puerto Rican voters in his home state, wrote that, “It’s not funny and it’s not true. Puerto Ricans are amazing people and amazing Americans!” Florida Rep. Carlos Gimenez, a close ally of Trump, characterized the joke as “classless” and not representative of Republican values.

While Hinchcliffe and the Trump campaign have insisted that the remarks were meant as humor, some in the community feel differently. “This was not considered a joke,” says Frankie Miranda, the president and CEO of the Hispanic Federation, a Latino non-profit membership organization. “We were not in a space for jokes. This was a space to set the agenda for the future by a presidential candidate, and this is extremely damaging. We can no longer continue to stay silent when this is the tone that is set at a campaign rally a week before a presidential election.”

The timing of Hinchcliffe’s comments could not have been more poignant. Vice President Kamala Harris was in Philadelphia that same day, delivering a speech at a Puerto Rican restaurant where she outlined her plans to support the island and enhance its electrical infrastructure. Her campaign continued to seize on the comments from Trump’s rally about Puerto Rico, quickly clipping the video and posting it on social media.

Some have likened this moment to an “October surprise,” a term used to describe unexpected events that can significantly impact the election landscape just before voting begins. “Memory is hard to fade within just days of an election,” says Fernando Tormos-Aponte, a sociology professor at the University of Pittsburgh who specializes in Puerto Rican political mobilization. “With how viral this went, and the sort of WhatsApp networks and other means whereby people find out about this, folks are likely to remember this on Election Day.”

Puerto Rican superstar Bad Bunny, who recently enjoyed unprecedented success with his album “Un Verano Sin Ti,” posted a video of Harris outlining her support for Puerto Rico shortly after Hinchcliffe’s set. Although there’s no evidence linking his endorsement to the controversy, the move underscores the potential repercussions for the Trump campaign among a demographic already feeling marginalized, Miranda says.

“This reinforces what we already knew—that Puerto Rico is not a priority for Trump,” he says, noting that as President he withheld about $20 billion in hurricane relief for Puerto Rico following the devastating aftermath of Hurricane Maria in 2017. “This sets the tone, and this is definitely going to have an impact on many Puerto Ricans and other Latinos across the United States when casting their votes.”

The battle for Puerto Rican voters has been particularly pronounced in Pennsylvania, a critical battleground state that is home to the third-largest population of Puerto Ricans outside the island—around 472,213, according to 2021 census data. At least 100,000 Puerto Ricans live in the swing states of Georgia and North Carolina, and around 60,000 in Arizona and Wisconsin. Historically, Puerto Rican voters have leaned Democratic, but Trump has been making efforts to woo them, despite previous tensions.

Last month, Trump invited reggaeton star Nicky Jam to endorse him at a rally in Las Vegas where Trump mistakenly misgendered him. “Do you know Nicky?” Trump asked the crowd. “She’s hot!” (Nicky Jam initially downplayed the misstep, but later removed an Instagram post supporting Trump amid backlash from fans). Earlier, Trump touted endorsements from Puerto Rican reggaeton stars Anuel AA and Justin Quiles during a rally in Pennsylvania. “Do you know who the hell they are? Come up here, just fast, fast, fellas,” he said. “Come on ’cause I don’t know if these people know who the hell you are.”

Despite his targeted outreach efforts, many within the community remain skeptical of his intentions, largely due to his Administration’s previous actions and rhetoric surrounding Puerto Rico. The recent controversial comments at his rally could deepen this skepticism. “If my family in Puerto Rico is still suffering from blackouts today, still suffering from the delay in the recovery of Puerto Rico, it is because of the response of the Trump Administration,” Miranda says. “This is very emotional for me.”

With the Nov. 5 election in just over a week, many within the Puerto Rican community are not just processing their anger but are mobilizing in response to what they perceive as a lack of respect and acknowledgment from the Trump campaign. Sunny Hostin, host of ‘The View,’ began her popular daytime show with a message directly at Trump: “Puerto Rico is trash? We are Americans, Donald Trump,” she said. “My fellow Puerto Ricans, trash collection day is November 5, 2024. Don’t forget it.”

While that sentiment may resonate strongly within the community, it could also resonate with other racial and ethnic groups, says Tormos-Aponte. “An event like this can trigger a number of folks who also see themselves as vulnerable minorities who are starting to see a pretty distinct pattern,” he says. “First it was Haitians in Springfield, Ohio, now it’s Puerto Ricans and undocumented immigrants. I think that it could trigger a lot of mobilization on election day and some solidarity across racial and ethnic minority groups.”

With reporting by Brian Bennett / New York

source https://time.com/7113564/puerto-rico-racist-joke-trump-rally-election/

Philadelphia D.A. Says He Is Suing Elon Musk’s America PAC Over its $1 Million Giveaway

The district attorney of Philadelphia has filed a lawsuit to halt Elon Musk ‘s $1 million giveaways as part of his political organization’s effort boosting Donald Trump ‘s presidential campaign.

The suit by Democratic District Attorney Larry Krasner is the first legal action to be brought over the America PAC’s sweepstakes offering $1 million every day until Nov. 5 to a person in a battleground state who has signed a petition supporting the Constitution.

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Krasner’s office said the lawsuit, coming just over a week before Election Day, doesn’t preclude potential criminal action.

“The Philadelphia District Attorney is charged with protecting the public from public nuisances and unfair trade practices, including illegal lotteries. The DA is also charged with protecting the public from interference with the integrity of elections,” Krasner’s office said in a statement published on its website.

A spokesperson for the billionaire tech mogul’s America PAC, emailed for comment on the lawsuit and asked if the cash awards would continue, responded with a link to an X post, which showed the latest $1 million winner holding an oversized check.

Krasner’s office didn’t immediately respond to questions about the lawsuit, including whether it compels Musk to immediately stop the giveaway or whether the dispute can be resolved before Election Day.

Reflecting the state’s importance in the election, both Harris and Trump have made numerous recent visits to Pennsylvania, including Trump’s photo op at a suburban Philadelphia McDonald’sand Harris’ Sunday visit in the city that included stops at a church and a barbershop.

Musk’s giveaway requires entrants to sign a petition backing the First and Second Amendments of the Constitution and calls for them to serve as spokespeople for the organization as a condition of winning.

The awards have carried on after election law experts raised questions that it violates federal law barring anyone from paying a person to vote or register to vote. The issue, they say, is that winning the award requires contestants to be registered to vote in one of a handful of battleground states. Musk has cast the money as both a prize as well as earnings for work as a spokesperson for the group.

In his statement announcing the lawsuit, Krasner characterized the $1 million prize as a “lottery,” which would make it more heavily regulated than if it were a prize or work-related.

Brought in Pennsylvania court, Krasner’s suit doesn’t directly apply to the other swing states whose residents are eligible for the $1 million.

Musk, who founded SpaceX and Tesla and owns X, has gone all in on Trump this election, saying he thinks civilization is at stake if he loses. He is undertaking much of the get-out-the-vote effort for Trump through his super PAC, which can raise and spend unlimited sums of money. He has committed more than $70 million to the super PAC to help Trump and other Republicans win in November.

source https://time.com/7113168/philadelphia-district-attorney-to-sue-musk-1-million-giveaway/

11 Things to Say to Your Relative Whose Politics You Hate

At this point in election season, you might be as interested in voting your outspoken uncle out of the family as you are in casting your ballot for the next president of the United States. Differing political views can rip family members apart, making everyone feel like they’re walking on eggshells in the lead-up to Nov. 5.

“There’s a lot of stress that people carry knowing everybody is feeling tense about this,” says Jenna Glover, chief clinical officer with the mental health app Headspace. “Some people have actually lost relationships, and it’s important to acknowledge how that impacts our mental health.”

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With that in mind, we asked experts exactly what to say to the relative whose politics you despise in order to keep (or restore) family peace.

“I won’t be talking about politics today.”

You know what they say: Never talk about religion, politics, or money in mixed company. Setting a clear boundary is one of the most effective ways to preemptively squash disagreements, experts agree. Make your intentions clear ahead of time: Before hosting your kid’s birthday celebration or meeting up for a Halloween costume party, reach out to family members and establish some guidelines, says Bradford Stucki, a psychotherapist in Provo, Utah. “Suggest a politics-free zone for the gathering,” he advises. Emphasize that you want to keep the focus on the kids, or the festivities at hand, and ask for a commitment to avoid polarizing topics. If the conversation still ends up turning in that direction, shut it down: “OK, that’s enough of that,” or, “We’re not talking about that here today.”

Read More: How to Set Boundaries With Relatives, According to Family Therapists

“Can you tell me a story that helps me understand how you came to believe that?”

If you’re sitting at the kitchen table with a family member, and they say something opposite of what you believe politically, take a breath and summon your curiosity. Then ask them to tell you about the personal experiences that shaped their perspective. “Our most polarizing conversations are often an exchange of talking points divorced from context,” says Jill DeTemple, a professor and chair of religious studies at Southern Methodist University in Dallas and an associate with Essential Partners, a non-profit that helps people build relationships across differences.

Asking for the story behind someone’s beliefs can help us remember that our family members are complex, and that their ideas might come from a place we recognize, even if we don’t also subscribe to them. “Maybe I disagree with my uncle, deeply, about guns, but his story about his sense of accomplishment and belonging after shooting his grandfather’s rifle for the first time will help me remember how kind he was to me as a child,” she says. DeTemple recommends asking yourself: “Am I having dinner with family because I want to convince everyone to think like me, or because I want to be reminded that I’m a part of something bigger?”

“If I heard only what was on your news feed, I’m sure I’d think the same thing, but I’ve had different experiences in my life.”

This approach resonates with Nealin Parker, executive director of Common Ground USA, an organization dedicated to peace-building. She thinks of it as a gentle reminder that even the most compelling news stories “don’t apply equally to everyone’s lives.” Plus, it can be a helpful way to remind people that the most well-informed and sincerely held opinions are often grounded in lived experiences, Parker says. That can open the door to conversations centered around a desire for mutual understanding.

“What kind of compromise or solution might work for both sides?”

Make a point to seek common ground in politically charged conversations, Glover advises. One way to do that is to raise the subject of potential compromises or solutions—which will help you and Cousin Bob come together, rather than focusing on how different your views are. Talk out how you’d both tackle a problem with the economy or health care that you feel strongly about. As Glover puts it: “How do we work to come up with a solution that’s inclusive and that’s helpful for most people?” These brainstorming sessions encourage people to feel like they’re on the same team, she says—and are more productive than picking a fight.

Read More: 11 Things to Say to Persuade Someone to Vote

“Tell me more.”

It might seem counterintuitive, but Parker likes this tactic because, if you can convince someone you really want to hear their perspective, they tend to shift from ranting into talking. “It can make people reconsider their most inflammatory comments, and sometimes even make them want to hear more from you about your beliefs,” she says. So the next time your brother starts bashing your favorite candidate, ask him to tell you more about where he’s coming from—and you might be surprised at how quickly the temperature in the room lowers.

“Could I have permission to share my point of view?”

It’s OK to share your perspective with people on the opposite side of the political spectrum—but Glover likes to start the conversation by asking for permission. Doing so is a technique commonly used in counseling called elicit-provide-elicit: First, you find out what someone else’s point of view is; then, you provide your own perspective; and finally, you ask the other person for their reaction. “The other person has actively said, ‘Yes, I do want to hear,’ and it puts them in a different place of openness,” she says. “And of course, if they were to say no, then that’s good for you to know. Why waste your breath on somebody who’s not going to listen?” In the 20 years she’s been employing this strategy, however, she’s never had someone opt out of hearing what she had to say.

“I’d like to have a chance to learn from each other, because I respect you but see the world differently.”

This phrasing is effective because it lets your family members know that while you may disagree with them, you intend to ground your discussion in respect and genuinely want to better understand where they’re coming from, Parker says. It’s essential, however, to mean what you say. If you don’t want to learn something from your relatives or maintain a relationship with them, that’s fine—but in those cases, it’s usually best not to engage. If you decide to proceed, aim to talk one-on-one—privacy makes conversations more constructive—and remember that good things don’t happen overnight. “One conversation is unlikely to result in significant change,” Parker says, but it’s a start to build on over time.

“Maybe we could revisit this conversation when we’re both feeling more calm.”

If you recognize that you and your family member are both on edge—maybe your pulse is starting to spike, or your chest is getting tight—it’s time to step away. “As humans, when we feel pushed, we’re going to push back,” Glover says. That all but guarantees the conversation won’t go anywhere good. By suggesting you revisit things later, “You’re basically letting go of the balloon that’s about to pop, and saying, ‘Let’s just take a break from this.’” That way, you can ensure neither one of you says something you’ll regret later, Glover adds.

Read More: How to Survive Election Season Without Losing Your Mind

“I mean, I’ll vote for any candidate who will boost the economy, cut my taxes, and…prosecute people who remove their shoes on the airplane.”

Sometimes, humor is the best tool to diffuse heated situations. That’s why a simple comedic device called the “comic triple” can work well, says Paul Osincup, a comedian and author of The Humor Habit. The idea is to list three things: The first two should be obvious or mundane, while the third is funny or surprising. By utilizing this technique, “You’re gently redirecting the conversation to a lighter topic: pet peeves,” he says. Your family members will likely start laughing and chime in, “I know, that’s so gross!” Or, Osincup adds, they might tick off the pet peeves they’d abolish if they were president. “When everyone is in on the joke, they feel more connected,” he says. “Shared laughter is empathy in action.”

“I’ll just be glad when all of the campaign commercials are over with—they’re ridiculous!”

Here’s another way to get a smile out of your family members. Describe what a political attack ad against you (or one of them) might sound like, Osincup suggests: “Kyle says he’ll make the best VP for accounting, but he still spends $8 a day at Starbucks. Would you trust your money to Cappuccino Kyle?” “You’re poking fun at a pretty universally shared experience—disliking political commercials—and then redirecting the humor to yourself,” Osincup says. He recommends giving yourself a nickname (preferably with alliteration) and delivering your ad in a booming, dramatic voice.

“Looks like the Cowboys might beat the Eagles this year.”

If things start going downhill at one of Glover’s family gatherings, she redirects to a topic that has the same energy, but feels a lot safer: sports. It’s much more fun, after all, to fight about football teams than political parties. And remember: If your family member won’t let the election go and is determined to pick a fight, you don’t need to participate. “Some people are going to continue to create an environment that’s not going to be healthy, and it’s going to impair your judgment,” she says. “Take control over what you can, and recognize that sometimes, there’s nothing you can do other than remove yourself from the situation.”

source https://time.com/7027412/what-to-say-family-political-voting-disagreement/

Across Pennsylvania, Musk Deploys His Fame and Fortune For Trump

It’s become something of a trademark. When Elon Musk strutted onstage Saturday night for a town hall supporting Donald Trump, he waited a moment to bask in the crowd’s applause before jumping like a child, extending his arms in the air and his T-shirt above his waistline. To this, he received another thundering ovation. 

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For the hundreds gathered in the Lancaster, Pa., hotel ballroom, Musk’s leap had become a symbol of his MAGA metamorphosis. It practically broke the internet earlier this month when he frolicked around the stage at Trump’s rally in Butler, Pa, the site of an assassination attempt against him months earlier. Since then, Musk has only elevated his efforts to return Trump to the White House: pouring more than $100 million into his new PAC to boost the former President in the battleground of Pennsylvania and barnstorming the commonwealth for freewheeling question-and-answer sessions to turn out Trump enthusiasts.

On a stage festooned with a giant American flag and signs that said “Vote Early,” Musk meandered for nearly two hours on a range of curiosities mixed with right-wing talking points. The billionaire waxed poetic on his ambition to colonize other planets: “The future of civilization could depend on creating a self-sustaining city on Mars.” He spread the baseless conspiracy theory that elites are directing undocumented immigrants into swing states to vote for Democrats, calling it a “massive importation” operation. He characterized Kamala Harris as beholden to the ruling class—which was why, he said, she hasn’t been the target of a shooting like Trump. If Harris were removed from the race, he suggested, an amorphous cabal would “just replace her with another puppet.” (Authorities have found no clear political motives in Trump’s would-be assassins.) The most striking moment of the night was when someone asked why voters shouldn’t fear that a second Trump term would result in democratic backsliding. Musk’s response? He denied that Jan. 6, 2021, when a pro-Trump mob stormed the U.S. Capitol to block the peaceful transfer of power, was an assault on American democracy. “Jan. 6 was in no way a violent insurrection,” he said.  

The spectacle exhibited Musk’s singular role in the 2024 election: The world’s richest man, who owns one of the world’s most powerful communications platforms, deploying his vast fortune and influence to promote a presidential candidate. Trump has vowed to put Musk in charge of a “government efficiency commission” that would oversee the agencies that regulate his companies such as SpaceX, Tesla, Neuralink, and X, formerly known as Twitter. But when addressing the Lancaster crowd, Musk portrayed Trump’s candidacy as a final bulwark to thwart irreversible national decline: “We are at a fork in the road of destiny.”

Musk’s detractors say he represents a dangerous marriage of economic and political power. “He is abusing power in a way we’ve never really seen,” says Lisa Gilbert, president of the government watchdog Public Citizen. The group filed a complaint last week against Musk with the Federal Election Commission over his plan to give $1 million a day to a randomly chosen registered voter in a swing state who signs a petition in support of free speech and gun rights. The Department of Justice has also reportedly warned Musk that the scheme could violate federal law if it amounts to a monetary incentive to register to vote. When one of the attendees in Lancaster asked Musk why he hadn’t yet announced a winner on X that day, he brought onstage a large check written to a woman sitting in the audience. “You don’t have to vote,” he told her. “It would be nice if you voted, but you don’t have to.”

The checks are far from the only concern critics are raising about Musk in the election’s final days. “We’ve been most worried about the misinformation and disinformation that could happen both in the lead up and aftermath of the election when people question the results,” Gilbert says. “Musk has positioned himself to be the number one bad actor.”

For now, Musk is camping out in Pennsylvania, where the two candidates are stuck in a dead heat. Trump holds less than a half percentage point lead in the current 538 average of state polls. Yet even a small margin of victory here could reverberate far beyond the nation’s fifth most-populated state. “If we win Pennsylvania, we win the whole thing,” Trump said at a rally last month. “It’s very simple.” 

To that end, an allied network of pro-Trump organizations has systematically sought to tip the state in their column. Four years ago, Biden won Pennsylvania by 80,555-votes, propelling him to the White House. Republicans have since funneled millions into the state for targeted voter registration and mobilization drives. In March 2021, registered Democrats outnumbered registered Republicans in Pennsylvania by 630,000. As of this month, that lead has been reduced to roughly 300,000. Musk has buoyed that effort with his political action committee, America PAC, which he has given at least $118 million in donations since July.

Read more: Democrats Lose Ground in Swing States

In Lancaster, many of those who came to see Musk said they were drawn to him because of his self-styled free-speech evangelism. “If you don’t have free speech, you don’t have freedom of thought,” says Betsy Stecz, a marketing specialist from Mount Joy wearing a Philadelphia Eagles sweatshirt. In a long line outside before the event, Stecz says she follows Musk on X and thinks his broadsides against the “woke mind virus” and his backing of the former President has helped to unleash what was previously a silent majority. “You have people finally feeling like, Okay, I can hold my head up and say: I’m not ashamed to vote for Donald Trump.” 

For Chris Hill, who runs operations for a commercial bathroom remodeling firm in nearby Mechanicsburg, Musk is taking a stand against cosmopolitan elites who want to censor his language and suppress his political views. “That is really what resonates with me the most,” says Hill, donning a red MAGA hat and a Tesla sweatshirt. “I’m a strong advocate of communication.” 

Throughout Musk’s two hours on stage, he captured a mix of hard-right grievances, such as immigration (despite reports that, early in his career,  he worked in the U.S. illegally as an immigrant) and declining birth rates. “If masculinity is toxic,” he asked, “how come the people who are so messed up don’t have dads?” Garnering one of the loudest applauses of the night, he excoriated critics who say that Trump, given power once again, would govern as an authoritarian. “Those who say Trump is a threat to democracy,” he said, “are the threat to democracy.” 

Many of people there expressed admiration for his entrepreneurial triumphs. But Musk was not there to talk about his career trajectory. He was there to get Trump over the finish line. Midway through the town hall, someone walked up to the microphone and asked him for the “most useful” and “most powerful” piece of advice he’s ever received. After a long pause, he chuckled. “Vote Republican.”

source https://time.com/7099161/elon-musk-donald-trump/

Vance Calls Russia an American Adversary But Won’t Label Moscow an Enemy

WILMINGTON, Del. — Republican vice presidential nominee J.D. Vance says Russia is a U.S. adversary but suggests it’s counterproductive to approach Moscow as an enemy.

The Ohio senator also said Donald Trump is committed to NATO, the transatlantic military alliance seen as the bulwark preventing further Russian aggression in Europe, although the former president has pledged to “finish the process we began under my administration of fundamentally reevaluating NATO’s purpose and NATO’s mission.”

[time-brightcove not-tgx=”true”]

Vance, in a series of television interviews that aired Sunday, nine days before the election, made clear that Trump, if back in the White House, would press European members to spend more on defense and that their administration would work to quickly wind down Moscow’s war in Ukraine that began in February 2022 when Russian President Vladimir Putin ordered troops across the border.

“We’re not in a war with him, and I don’t want to be in a war with Vladimir Putin’s Russia,” Vance said when pressed during an interview with NBC’s “Meet the Press” on whether Russia is an enemy. Vance said “we have to be careful about the language that we use in international diplomacy. We can recognize, obviously, that we have adversarial interests with Russia.”

U.S. officials this past week confirmed that North Korea has sent 3,000 troops to Russia for training before potentially being deployed in Ukraine. U.S. officials say Russia has ramped up a disinformation campaign aimed at sowing distrust in the results in U.S. election on Nov. 5.

Officials on Friday confirmed Moscow’s role in creating a video that appears to show the destruction of mail ballots in Pennsylvania, in what was the latest effort linked to Russia on spreading false information on social media.

Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris has argued that Trump is too cozy with Putin and that Trump’s return to the White House would be calamitous for Ukraine and America’s European allies.

Vance was circumspect about supporting further sanctions against Russia, saying the Biden administration’s use of the tool for Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has been as effective as a “wet firecracker.”

“I don’t think that we should overreact to anything. What we should do is encourage our fellow Americans to be careful,” Vance told CBS’ “Face the Nation.” “Don’t trust everything that you see on social media. And of course, we should push back where appropriate. But that’s the big question is, what is an appropriate response to a country making social media videos? I’m not going to make a commitment to that sitting right here.”

Trump has boasted of having had an effective relationship with Putin when Trump was in office. The former president has praised the Russian leader, suggested cutting U.S. money for Ukraine and repeatedly criticized NATO.

The former president has said he would not defend NATO members that failed to meet defense spending targets, and warned he would “encourage” Russia “to do whatever the hell they want” to alliance countries that he considered “delinquent.”

Vance underscored that a Trump administration would continue to support NATO but that it would lean on Europe to increase defense spending.

NATO announced in June that a record 23 of the 32 member nations were reaching the alliance’s defense spending target, 2% of GDP, this year. That’s a nearly fourfold increase from 2021, when only six nations were meeting the goal.

“Of course, we’re going to honor our NATO commitments,” Vance said. “But I think it’s important … that we recognize that NATO is not just a welfare client. It should be a real alliance.”

Former Wyoming Rep. Liz Cheney, a prominent Republican critic of Trump who has endorsed Harris, said Trump’s approach to Putin demonstrates “a total lack of understanding of the importance of our allies in keeping the peace.

Trump “talks about our allies as though he were a mafia boss,” Cheney said on CNN’s State of the Union. “He seems to completely fail to understand that, in order to keep peace, we have to have allies with us.”

In the wide-ranging interviews, which included with CNN, Vance also played down recent comments by Trump about ending the federal income tax.

Trump said in a Fox News appearance last week “there is a way, if what I’m planning comes out” to do away with it. He told podcaster Joe Rogan on Friday that he was serious about replacing revenue the income tax by raising tariffs.

Trump has pledged to also end taxes on tips, Social Security and overtime pay if elected.

“He’s talking aspirationally about something that he himself thinks is less of a focus than cutting taxes on tips,” Vance said of Trump’s call to eliminate the federal income tax.

source https://time.com/7099157/vance-calls-russia-american-adversary-but-wont-label-as-enemy/

‘Take Our Lives Seriously,’ Michelle Obama Pleads as She Rallies For Kamala Harris

KALAMAZOO, Mich. — Michelle Obama challenged men to support Kamala Harris’ bid to be America’s first female president, warning at a rally in Michigan on Saturday that women’s lives would be at risk if Donald Trump returned to the White House.

The former first lady described the assault on abortion rights as the harbinger of dangerous limitations on healthcare for women. Some men may be tempted to vote for Trump because of their anger at the slow pace of progress, Obama said, but “your rage does not exist in a vacuum.”

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”If we don’t get this election right, your wife, your daughter, your mother, we as women will become collateral damage to your rage,” Obama said. “So are you as men prepared to look into the eyes of the women and children you love and tell them you supported this assault on our safety?”

The rally in Kalamazoo was Obama’s first appearance on the campaign trail since she spoke at the Democratic National Convention over the summer, and her remarks were searing and passionate in their support of Harris.

“By every measure, she has demonstrated that she’s ready,” the former first lady said. “The real question is, as a country, are we ready for this moment?”

Obama added, “Do not buy into the lies that we do not know who Kamala is or what she stands for. This is somebody who understands you, all of you.”

Although Obama has been a reluctant campaigner over the years, she showed no hesitation on Saturday as her speech stretched from the political to the personal. Obama said she fears for the country and struggles to understand why the presidential race remains close.

“I lay awake at night wondering, ‘What in the world is going on?’” she said.

Her voice vibrating with emotion, Obama talked about the struggle for women to understand and care for their own bodies, whether it’s their menstrual cycles or menopause. And she spoke about the dangers of childbirth, when a split-second decision can mean the difference between life and death for a mother and her baby.

“I am asking y’all from the core of my being to take our lives seriously,” Obama pleaded.

Harris took the stage after Obama and promised the crowd that she would keep their interests in mind — unlike Trump, who she accused of only being interested in himself.

“There is a yearning in our country for a president who sees the people, not just looking in the mirror all the time, but sees the people, who gets you and who will fight for you,” she said.

After the rally, Harris went to Trak Houz Bar & Grill with Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer, where they drank a locally brewed beer.

“I want to have whatever she’s having,” Harris said.

The politicians chatted and took photos with people at the bar. When they approached a table of young women, one of them burst into tears.

Before arriving in Kalamazoo, Harris visited a local doctor’s office in Portage to talk with health care providers and medical students about the impact of abortion restrictions. One of them said they have patients visiting from other parts of the country where there are strict limitations on abortion, and another said she’s worried that people won’t want to practice in important areas of medicine because of fears about government intrusion.

“We are looking at a health care crisis in America that is affecting people of every background and gender,” Harris told reporters before visiting the doctor’s office.

Harris appeared with Beyoncé on Friday in Houston, and she campaigned with former President Barack Obama and Bruce Springsteen on Thursday in Atlanta.

It’s a level of celebrity clout that surpasses anything that Trump, the Republican nominee, has been able to marshal this year. But there’s no guarantee that will help Harris in the close race for the White House. In 2016, Hillary Clinton lost to Trump despite firing up her crowds with musical performances and Democratic allies.

Trump brushed off Harris’ attempt to harness star power for her campaign.

“Kamala is at a dance party with Beyoncé,” the former president said Friday in Traverse City, Michigan. Trump held a rally in Novi, a suburb of Detroit, on Saturday before a later event in State College, Pennsylvania.

Saturday is the first day that early in-person voting became available across Michigan. More than 1.4 million ballots have already been submitted, representing 20% of registered voters.

When Clinton was running against Trump, Michelle Obama inspired Democrats with the slogan “when they go low, we go high.”

But this year, at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, she adopted a more biting approach. She accused Trump of “doubling down on ugly, misogynistic, racist lies as a substitute for real ideas and solutions that will actually make people’s lives better.”

While Harris was with Obama in Michigan, President Joe Biden visited the Laborers’ International Union of North America in Pittsburgh. He mentioned that Harris once walked a picket line with the United Auto Workers — “she has a backbone like a ramrod” — while Trump has undermined organized labor.

“He views unions as getting in the way of the accumulation of wealth for individuals,” Biden said. “It’s in labor’s interest to defeat Donald Trump, more than any other race you’ve been in.”

Biden’s remarks to the mostly male audience referenced the gender divide that has been a consistent feature of this year’s presidential race.

Speaking on Trump, Biden said, “I’m just gonna say straight up, he’s a loser as a man.”

He also said that women deserve more opportunities than they’ve received in the past.

“They can do anything any man can do, including be president of the United States of America,” Biden said.

source https://time.com/7099130/kamala-harris-michigan-rally-michelle-obama-plea/